Benjamin Harrison
Twenty-third President of the United States
1889-1893
Personal information
Inaugural Address
Term in office
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Personal Information
Birthplace: North Bend, Ohio
Birthdate: August 20, 1833
Death Place: Indianapolis, Indiana
Death date: March 13, 1901
Prior Occupation: Laywer
Party: Republican
First Wife: Caroline Lavinia Scott
Second Wife: Mary Scott Lord Dimmick
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Inaugural Address
It is not a departure, but a return that we have witnessed. The protective
policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, as now, that its
benefits inured to particular classes or sections. If the question became in
any sense, or at any time, sectional, it was only because slavery existed in
some of the States. But for this there was no reason why the cotton producing
States should not have led or walked abreast with the New England States in the
production of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the States that
divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treasures of the great southeastern and
central mountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smelting
furnace and the mill the coal and iron from their near opposing hillsides.
Mill fires were lighted at the funeral pyre of slavery. The emancipation
proclamation was heard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky; men
were made free and material things became our better servants.
shall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon the skirts
of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery no longer exists
cherish or tolerate the incapacities it puts upon these communities? I look
hopefully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent
development of manufacturing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto
wholly given to agriculture as a potent influence in the perfect unification of
our people. the men who have invested their capital in these enterprises, the
farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood, and the men who work
in shop or field will not fail to find and defend a community of interest. Is
it not quite possible that the farmers and the promoters of the great mining
and manufacturing enterprises which have recently been established in the south
may yet find that the free ballot of the workingman, without distinction of
race, is needed for their defense as well as for his own? I do not doubt that
if these men in the South who now accept the tariff views of Clay and the
constitutional expositions of Webster would courageously avow and defend their
real convictions they would not find it difficult, by friendly instruction and
cooperation, to make the black man their efficient and safe ally, not only in
establishing correct principles in our national administration, but in
preserving for their local communities the benefits of social order and
economical and honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness
and education have been fairly tried the contrary conclusion cannot be
plausibly urged.
If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal
obligations and duties, they would have less cause to complain of the unlawful
limitations of their rights or of violent interference with their operations.
The community that by concert, open or secret, among its citizens, denies to a
portion of its members their plain rights under the law, has severed the only
safe bond of social order and prosperity. the evil works, from a bad center,
both ways. It demoralizes those who practice it, and destroys the faith of
those who suffer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe protector. the
man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is naturally the subject of
dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those who use unlawful methods, if moved by
no higher motive than the selfishness that prompts them, may well stop and
inquire what is to be the end of this. An unlawful expedient can not become a
permanent condition of government. If the educated and influential classes in
a community either practice or connive at the systematic violation of laws that
seem to them to cross their convenience, what can they expect when the lesson
that convenience or a supposed class interest is a sufficient cause for
lawlessness has been well learned by the ignorant classes? A community where
law is the rule of conduct, and where courts, not mobs, execute its penalties,
is the only attractive field for business investments and honest labor.
We have sought to dominate or to absorb any of our weaker stable governments,
resting upon the consent of their own people. We have a clear right to expect,
therefore, that no European government will seek to establish colonial
dependencies upon the territory of these independent American States. That
which a sense of justice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably
expected willingly to forego.
It must be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclusively American
that our entire inattention to any events that may transpire elsewhere can be
taken for granted. Our citizens domiciled for purposes of trade in all
countries and in many of the islands of the sea demand and will have adequate
care in their personal and commercial rights. The necessities of our navy
require convenient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and
other trading privileges we will feel free to obtain only by means that do not
in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the Government from which we
ask such concessions. But having fairly obtained them by methods, and for
purposes entirely consistent with the most friendly disposition toward all
other powers, our consent will be necessary to any modification or impairment
of the concession.
We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or the just
rights of its citizens, nor to exact the like treatment for our own. Calmness,
justice, and consideration should characterize our diplomacy. The offices of
an intelligent diplomacy or of a friendly arbitration, in proper cases, should
be adequate to the peaceful adjustment of all international difficulties. By
such methods we will make our constitution to the world's peace, which no other
nation values more highly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall upon the
nation that ruthlessly breaks it.
Heads of departments, bureaus, and all other public officers having any duty
connected therewith, will be expected to enforce the civil service law fully
and without evasion. Beyond this obvious duty I hope to so something more to
advance the reform of the civil service. The ideal, or even my own ideal, I
shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be a safer basis of judgment than
promises. We shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service
upon a nonpartisan basis until we have secured an incumbency that fair minded
men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and integrity. As the
number of such in the civil list is increased removals from office will
diminish.
The constitution of a sufficient number of modern war ships and of their
necessary armament should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and
perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, courage, and skill of our
naval officers and seaman have many times in our history given to weak ships
and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of naval list. That they
will again do so upon occasion I do not doubt; but they ought not, by
premeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks and exigencies of an unequal
combat.
Our pension law should give more adequate and discriminating relief to the
Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. Such occasions as
this should remind us that we owe everything to their valor and sacrifice.
I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our
path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of
our communities, but only to give us a new demonstration that the great body of
our people are stable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long
pursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and indecent methods
without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies
of commerce are more fully revealing the necessary units of all our
communities, and the increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual
respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next
census will make of the swift development of the great resources of some of the
States. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the great aggregate
of the nation's increase. And when the harvest from the fields, the cattle
from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall have been weighed, counted, and
valued, we will turn from them all to crown with the highest honor the State
that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among the
people.
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Term: 1889 - 1893
Vice President: Levi P. Morton
-1889-
Inaugurated as president (March)
Berlin Conference - Samoan affairs (April)
Theodore Roosevelt becomes Civil Service Commissioner (May)
North and South Dakota become states 39 and 40 (November)
Montana becomes state 41 (November)
Washington becomes state 42 (November)
-1890-
Pension Bill - service pensions for minors, dependent parents, widows of
soldiers (June)
Sherman Anti-Trust Act (July)
Idaho becomes state 43 (July)
Wyoming becomes state 44 (July)
-1891-
First president to travel the United States and make impromptu speeches to
citizens (May)
-1892-
Small conflict with Chile (January)
Strike in Idaho - federal troops restore order (July)
Grover Cleveland defeats Benjamin Harrison in election (November)
-1893-
Hawaiian revolt (January)
Attends Gover Cleaveland's inauguration (March)
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